A dozen years ago
there was a film called "Slaves
of New York." That's what some of
the journalists covering the World Economic
Forum felt like, crammed in cramped,
overcrowded newsrooms and barred from
actually attending the event they were
there to report on. Many in the working
press were only allowed to follow the
proceedings on television screens in
a press center set up in a nearby hotel.
The Earth Times, which denounced the
practice and petitioned to be allowed
access, says it was banned for its complaints.
It countered with a headline denouncing "Media
Apartheid!" which the Forum
has denied. Forum officials say that,
without
some restraints, there would be a
media invasion that could change
the character
of the event, inundating it with
reporters who might outnumber participants--who,
in turn, might spend more time playing
to the cameras than pow-wowing with
colleagues.
Surely some system of compromise,
such as rotating reporters in and
out, might
have been arranged.
Media
people are doing more than watching or covering the
Forum. Many have, for better or worse, become participants
as well as objects of discussion and debate. Media
exposure made the conference what it is--in one view,
a showplace for the socially concerned; in another,
a cabal.
At
first, the Forum was just a management conference
for European businesspeople.
Over the years, it
began to attract more top executives and CEOs,
especially as the global market and then what came
to be called globalization became more pervasive.
As business in much of the world became the business
of the whole world, it lured participants from élites
everywhere. Davos was transformed from just another
business meeting to a global event and destination,
what financier George Soros described to me a few
years back as a giant cocktail party attended by
heads of state, nongovernmental organizations,
UN agencies and an assortment of mandarins including
economists, philosophers and social critics. Press
attention put the Forum on the map, and its decision
to hold its meeting this year in the media capital
of the world to show post-September 11 solidarity
with New York quickly generated even more attention,
especially as parts of New York City were shut
down to safeguard the delegates. As critics took
potshots at the Forum for its exclusivity or pooh-poohed
its pretensions, as thousands marched against it
denouncing what they believe is its grip on the
world agenda--as well as denouncing the ritzy hotel
that housed it as the "Walled-Off Astoria"--controversy
mounted. And there is nothing the press loves more
than controversy. Most of the media lined up behind
the Forum and called the protesters "knuckleheads," "terrorists" and
worse. Nevertheless, the conflict made good copy,
as confrontations always do.
Judging by my experience at previous meetings
in Davos, the working press actually had it better
in New York. In Davos, reporters labored in a sub-basement,
the building's windowless bomb shelter. They were
supplied with press releases and video feeds, which
they turned around with all deliberate speed and
pumped back out like an engine room drives an ocean
liner. Their entry passes were coded to keep them
down below in the journalistic equivalent of steerage.
Upstairs, both at Davos and in New York, invited
editors and media-machers--myself among them, can
you believe?--were free to cruise, attend sessions,
buttonhole big shots and otherwise work the room.
Luncheons, coffees and dinners funded by the good
folks at Coca-Cola allow informal access to heads
of state such as the premier of Serbia and the
likes of Bill Gates. It is heady, informative and
fun to have breakfast with the King and Queen of
Jordan and dinner with Kofi Annan!
The
only problem is that, at this event, more time
is devoted to the kinds of social
and political
issues that rarely get covered on business pages,
that tend to deal more with the ups and downs of
the market than the larger social context in which
markets operate. Ironically, journalists may not
have the space or the outlets willing to cover
these issues, nor are many capable of doing so.
Mitchell Kloss, a producer for Channel One News
and The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, admits in the
LA Times: "We journalists--particularly TV
news people--have done a terrible job of reporting
on what globalization is actually doing to this
single, shrinking world we all share... in terms
of globalization, we seem to have failed to point
out something essential: To be for or against globalization
implies that we can control it. From what I've
observed, the salient feature of globalization
is loss of control." Adds International Herald
Tribune Hong Kong-based columnist Philip Bowring
about the Forum: "At least as big a problem
in New York was the under-representation of non-western
and especially non-English language press."
Virtually every one who was seriously engaged
with an issue at the Forum had complaints about
the lack of serious ongoing media attention. Bill
Gates concluded his plenary appearance by appealing
for more public awareness, an implicit acknowledgment
that the public is being told little about the
global health issues he has personally thrown $24
billion at. Rock star Bono, whose every burp is
detailed by a thousand gossip columnists, talked
about how the debt cancellation issue he is championing
was only given attention after he had his picture
taken with the Pope. And the AIDS activists and
other protesters outside the Waldorf who marched
to get their message into the media, instead had
their protest caricatured in many accounts.
While
the Forum focused on the developing world, the
World Social Forum (WSF),
a parallel forum
in Porto Alegre, Brazil, that provided a platform
for civil society groups, NGO's and political movements
in the developing world, was all but ignored by
media outlets. The Earth Times did an excellent
job of covering the WSF and of including diverse
views. The New York Times pooh poohed the WSF that
drew 60,000 participants and honored an American,
MIT's Noam Chomsky, with a hero's welcome. When
I asked Chomsky about the Brazil-based coverage
of the 'newspaper of record,' he was dismissive. "I
read the New York Times reports on Porto Alegre
when I got back. The reporter is either an imbecile,
incompetent, or following orders."
You don't have to be Chomsky to recognize that
globlization has shifted power from the local and
national levels to the global stage. It is precisely
for that reason that more specialized organs like
The Earth Times are needed to fill the gap by offering
balanced and independent reporting and views about
the changing configurations of the international
community. At the same time, I must say for the
record that I didn't have the same experience that
led to The Earth Times' exclusion. While I had
some initial tensions with the Forum's media chief
Charles McClean--who, I think, initially mistrusted
my motives and the Mediachannel's more critical
edge--he was open to my request and invited me
to participate.
One
has the sense, though, that certain élite
institutions don't really want too much public
participation.There is, unfortunately, a logic
to this attitude that may well be built into the
globalization process itself, as John A. Powell
and S. P. Udayakumar noted in the political journal "Poverty & Race." The
masters of the economic universe may not want informed
citizens, they say, because key decisions are made
today outside of elected political bodies. "There
is an abiding belief that democracy must be limited
because it interferes with the private decisions
of market experts, thereby reducing wealth and
capital," they argue. "People are now
brought together as consumers but kept apart as
citizens. We speak of an expanding global market,
but a diminishing public space, and we hardly speak
at all of citizen participation." This may
be a factor behind the rise of the World Economic
Forum and its closed character which exudes élitism
even though the discussions themselves are open
and have input from advocates of every stripe.
Finding a balance will be a challenge.
While Davos in Davos or Davos in New York does
not open a new chapter in democratic discourse,
it is not set up to. Any private meeting costing
$22,000-plus for many to attend can hardly be a
monument to populism and glorious diversity. But
what seemed clear is that the organizers realized
that business could no longer be conducted in a
cocoon, that they needed to grapple with the concerns
of environmentalists, social justice and human
rights advocates. They opened their doors to voices
that are often excluded from the media spotlight
because they wanted to learn what their critics
think, and realized that their own success depends,
in part, on how they manage the process of change.
The truth is that while the world has changed,
the media has changed less despite all the hype
about September 11 ushering in a new age. Stories
are still given a national focus even as decisions
at the local level often are affected and limited
by machinations at a higher level.
Media Moguls And Mavens
The media have long been part of the world of élites,
so I'm not surprised that ABC's Peter Jennings,
CNN's Christiane Amanpour and Garrick Utley and
CBS's Tom Fenton were on hand. CNBC went live with
a studio set up outside the plenary ballroom. PBS's
Charlie Rose moderated a panel; other high-profile
reporters were panel participants and, hopefully,
their reporting will be informed by all the expertise
on the premises and convey some of the real enthusiasm
as well as the high quality of much of the discussion.
As it turns out, business people made up less than
half of the crowd at the Forum. Fully 350 "media
and opinion leaders" were on hand, from globalization
booster Tom Friedman of The New York Times to Lewis
Lapham, editor of Harper's, who has skewered Davos
in the past, to Arianna Huffington, who moves gracefully
through these circles but keeps a critical eye
on them. Bill Gates was there, though he was unwilling
to discuss his trial on charges of violating antitrust
laws and preferred to talk about the heath causes
funded by his foundation. Jean-Marie Messier, head
of Vivendi Universal; Terry Semel of Yahoo; Nobuyki
Idei, CEO of SONY; Sir Howard Stringer, head of
SONY USA and ex CBS president; Steve Case, head
honcho of AOL Time Warner; Jeffrey Katzenberg of
Dreamworks; and many of their counterparts from
across the globe were also on hand. It was a little
like seeing one of those media ownership charts
come to life, and it was good to see lively disagreements
erupt in this group of smooth talkers and media
managers.
What
surprised me was the intense concern about the
dumbing down of news and the
fusion of news
biz with show biz. The only real defense of 'bottom
line über alles' came from media moguls in
countries that lack much of a tradition of business
being socially responsible.
A few days before the conference, the London-based
management consultancy and public-interest-group
SustainAbility issued a report charging that media
companies are among the least transparent and accountable
businesses in the US. It's good to know that the
debate about media also rages at the top.
The World Economic Forum is not a World Media
Forum--not yet, anyway--but it recognizes its responsibility
to educate the press and to press it to get engaged.
My question is: How can we extend this debate and
encourage media people and institutions to play
a more positive role in changing the world rather
than sucking up to the powerful who want to keep
it the same?
Danny Schechter is executive editor of Globalvision's
MediaChannel.org. His latest book is 'News Dissector:
Passions, Pieces and Polemics 1960-2000,' from
Akashic Books
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