UNITED
NATIONS - The recent rise of the politically
extreme right in Western Europe has been explained
as a
protest vote by many citizens against government
immigration policies they considered overly liberal
toward immigrants. According to their argument,
national borders are too porous, open to huge
numbers of unqualified persons. This "alien
presence" is
seen as a harbinger of unwelcome social, religious
and cultural change. And, say the protesters,
let's stop it.
Hold
on. The argument has little factual evidence to
back it up, according to numbers gathered by a
UN agency. "Somewhat frenzied" is the
phrase used by Rupert Colville, spokesman for the
refugee agency UNHCR in responding to the European
panic. He and other senior UN officials worry about
the effect the current political debate may have
for future applicants for entry into the continent
after fleeing oppressive regimes in search of political
asylum.
Notwithstanding
the anti-immigration
hysteria
in France, the Netherlands,
Austria and Norway
and race riots in England
-- where "Pak-bashing," neo-Nazi
skinheads are a problem
-- there are few data
to back purported fears
of a widesepread, overwhelming
crush of impoverished
foreigners seeking
handouts, the UN says.
For example, the total
number of asylum-seekers
arriving in member
states of the European
Union now is only a
little over half of
what it was just 10
years ago, according
to statistics from
the office of the UN
High Commissioner for
Refugees, former Dutch
prime minister Ruud
Lubbers.
But it is now in 2002
that the issue dominates
the front pages and
exercises noisy right
wing demagogues eager
to whip impressionable
supporters to fever
heat, and into the
voting booths ready
to vote for a halt
to immigration. Happily,
the extremists still
are in a minority in
most countries, but
their numbers are high
enough to eventually
pose a threat to ancient
democracies with a
long tradition to embracing
diversity.
"If you look
at the annual average
figure for each country,
you will see that in
many countries the
numbers [of political
immigrants] are not
really so very high," says
UNHCR spokesman Colville.
This was particularly
the case, he notes,
if account is taken
of the high number
of refugees that there
are out there -- running
into the millions in
Pakistan and Iran,
for example.
In fact, since the
Kosovo crisis, which
produced a numerical
increase at the end
of the last decade,
the total of refugee
applicants remained
fairly steady at 350,000-400,000
per year, Colville
points out. Interestingly,
4 of the 6 states that
produced the most asylum-seekers
were themselves European
nations in various
stages of political
turmoil -- as in the
Balkans.
Taken
together, says Colville,
the UN's
statistics provided
little support for
the idea currently
popular in Western
Europe that the EU
states were "being
deluged by fraudulent
asylum-seekers -- to
quote the common mantra,
the vast majority [of
the applicants] bogus."
UNHCR
does not believe
that every Iraqi
or
every Afghan who wants
to get in should be
granted refugee status
in Europe, Colville
emphasizes. But, he
adds, it is "patently
extremely unfair" to
label people from these
countries who have
sought compassionate
treatment as bogus
or fraudulent.
While
warning that the
current debate
is "considerably
overheated," the
UNHCR man fears a rush
for changes in domestic
laws and policies that
may have "very
dangerous results for
future refugees, either
in gaining access to
Europe at all, or in
getting a fair hearing
and decent treatment
once they are here."
Missing from the agency's
overview were data
about Australia, where
an immigration debate
is also raging. Or
numbers for North America,
where the events of
Sept. 11 have fueled
fears that potentially
dangerous foreigners
may already have managed
to slip across inadequately
protected frontiers.
Fear also that good-hearted,
honest but naive Americans
and Canadians may be
too easily suckered
by heart-breaking,
yet dubious, stories
about the sad plight
of hard luck guys posing
as legitimate asylum-seekers.
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