GENEVA,
Switzerland--Suddenly one of the world's oldest
professions has become its most outlawed. What's
more, the ruler
of just one nation has proclaimed himself global
enforcer with the blunt aim of protecting, above
all else, his own people--who make up only 6 percent
of the world's population.
You guessed it. That profession
is terrorism and the enforcer is President George W.
Bush of the United States. The first example of the
enforcer's methods is the bombing of Afghanistan, where
one of the aims seems to be to pulverize entire mountains.
Early outcomes of those methods are the license to
wage war seized by Israel and India to solve fundamental
political problems they have suppressed for more than
50 years. Waiting in the wings is a long line of countries
that may now feel free to choose war as a legitimate
means of settling political accounts, under the guise
of crushing terrorism.
Syria has already
climbed on the bandwagon
by revising its version
of the 1982 massacre
of 10,000 people in
the city of Hama. It
now says the killings
were to crush terrorism
by the Muslim Brotherhood.
The US, which still
characterizes Syria
as a terrorist state,
has muted its criticism.
Instead, it wants Damascus
to share intelligence
it has gathered on
Islamic terrorism since
that massacre. The
Muslim Brotherhood
is still active in
Egypt and is known
for its hatred of Israel.
Faced with Washington's
stern determination
to crush global terrorism
after September 11,
all the world's nations
including the UN Security
Council lined up to
kiss President Bush's
ring and pledge allegiance.
However, as with courtiers
through the ages, most
of Bush's foreign coalition
partners are waiting
for the missteps, setbacks
and accidents as America's
diplomatic and war
machines enter terrains
where angels fear to
tread.
Almost all nations
have learned to nurse
the wounds of terrorism
and move on, except
America. The courtiers
wait patiently for
Washington to exhaust
itself and then come
to terms with terrorism
as the price to be
paid for its imperial
ambitions as the world's
only superpower.
The coalition's humiliation
in this new war may
come sooner than expected.
While the US trumpets
victory in its Afghanistan
war, the powers in
that region have noted
that American bombs
were simply allies
of the Afghan warlords
waiting to avenge their
defeats at Taliban
hands five years ago.
The war was won by
the warlords, and the
country has moved back
to square one. It is
fractured again, with
a symbolic UN-approved
government controlling
little more than Kabul
city. Even the US recognizes
this fact because its
soldiers are relying
not on the new government
but on local warlords
for help in tracking
down Al Qaeda operatives.
Most of the Qaeda
operational capacities
may have been destroyed,
but the conditions
that created them have
not been dented seriously.
Afghans continue to
be desperately poor
and a fertile recruiting
ground, along with
destitute Pakistanis,
for religious schools
that provide free food
and lodging to hide
their violent indoctrination
and lessons of hate.
To win over Afghan
hearts and minds and
wean them away from
the kind of society
that breeds terrorists,
the coalition chose
three methods: inject
coalition troops to
ensure security, send
in UN teams to secure
nation building, and
provide financial aid
to secure the peace
and alleviate hunger.
None
of those methods
seem likely to be
used
to best purpose. The
coalition troops have
arrived, but they lack
authority even in Kabul.
The UN's nation building
efforts have not started
because its protégé government
controls just one city
of the Afghan nation.
Starvation may not
be warded off this
winter because almost
no money out of the
two billion dollars
pledged has actually
arrived. Nor is their
enough security across
Afghanistan for aid
materials to be distributed
to the neediest. Instead,
they risk being commandeered
by warlords trying
to secure themselves
in the affections of
their communities.
Meanwhile, the universal
values painstakingly
built over 50 years
by the UN's Declaration
on Human Rights and
the Geneva Conventions
on war are shredded
a little more each
day. America, the world's
most humane nation,
stuffs into wire cages
in a hot country alleged
terrorists from Afghanistan's
mountains, who did
it no harm either in
Afghanistan or in the
US. Their leaders may
have masterminded September
11, but those hapless,
semi literate villagers
most likely became
fighters to escape
poverty and because
Taliban mullahs brainwashed
them.
Now, Washington denies
them prisoner-of-war
status because of the
evil of leaders most
of them never saw.
That is what extremists
do, not moderates.
Bin Laden must be rubbing
his hands with glee
at having shaken the
land of the Declaration
of Independence, the
Constitution and the
rule of law to this
lamentable degree.
Such actions are at
odds with our current
claims to live up to
a higher standard of
civilization. Humanity
stands at the edge
of discovering the
nature of dark matter
in space, altering
genetic coding to head
off diseases, eradicating
hunger and extending
healthy lives to 125
years. Yet the hearts
of men seem to be hewn
of the same rock that
yielded to the oceans
only when pounded down
by asteroids that fell
upon our planet. We
stand almost as unyielding
to the call of our
common human needs
for fraternal peace
and remain as divided
by beliefs, ethnic
traits and tribal bonding
as at the start of
our recorded human
history.
Terrorism
is probably one of
the oldest accusations
brought by the powerful
against violent troublemakers
from outside the community.
What has changed is
that the world is now
a global village without
outsiders. Even desolate
and distant Afghanistan
is a shantytown within
our community. So all
of us quake together
before the threat of
terrorism and ignore "collateral
damage" as a necessary
cost, like the cancer
remedy that destroys
many innocent cells
to kill the few cancerous
ones.
To put the law on
our side, we outlawed
terrorism through the
UN Security Council,
but our responses to
the lawbreakers are
no more creative than
those of our predecessors,
going back to antiquity.
Like them, President
Bush is simply beating
the hell out of those
he suspects of wanting
to harm his people
grievously.
So
what has changed
in us thanks to the "civilization" that
we are so proud to
have refined since
the Stone Age and are
fighting to protect
from the onslaught
of terrorists?
Where violence is
concerned, all that
seems to have changed
is its scale. Terrorists
now use plastic explosives,
chemicals, bio-weapons
and commercial airliners.
In return, they and
anyone who shelters
them find bombs pouring
down from invisible
heights like the monsoon
rains. That is how
it is today and will
continue to be tomorrow,
on a wider scale. The
White House has said
so; NATO, the world's
most powerful military
alliance ever, has
said so; and the UN
Security Council has
agreed.
Another change is
that Osama bin Laden's
cohorts have raised
the bar for a single
terrorist event to
new heights. Within
just three hours, the
Sept. 11 attacks killed
almost 4,000 people,
destroyed $100 billion
worth of property,
lopped $1.5 trillion
off the stock market,
prompted laws restricting
civil liberties for
all citizens in almost
every country, and
started a war that
costs $1 billion a
day to execute. More
frighteningly, Bin
Laden's terrorism has
revived the specter
of traditional Christian-Muslim
hatreds smoldering
since the Christian
Crusades to free the
Holy Land. Sandwiched
between this rock and
hard place are the
Jews, Semitic progenitors
of both. Of course,
middle-of-the-road
Christians and Muslims
are fighting and will
continue to fight for
moderation. But such
a cataclysm is not
a fanciful scenario.
A single major biological
weapon attack in a
Christian country traced
to Islamic terrorists
will put the moderates
out of business.
An example is already
at hand. Israeli moderates
disappeared in just
one year of the Al
Aqsa Intifada under
pressure from Jewish
and Muslim extremists,
although Israel is
overwhelmingly powerful
in relation to its
enemies and the kill
ratio is 10 to one
in Israel's favor.
In the US and Europe,
race and religion-based
profiling has already
begun, permitted by
new anti-terrorist
laws. Even an Arab-origin
personal security official
of President Bush was
not spared prejudice.
The 2.5 billion people
of other faiths are
helpless onlookers
for they have no say
on Capitol Hill, the
White House, NATO or
the UN Security Council--or
mosques and madrasas.
With such evidence
at hand, it is hard
to argue that terrorism
does not offer hope
to its supporters of
triggering cataclysmic
changes in their favor.
Jewish terrorists snatched
Israel from Britain.
Why would Palestinian
terrorists not snatch
a viable Palestinian
state from Israel,
especially if Israel
fails to do to them
what Syria did to the
Muslim Brotherhood?
Terrorism seems to
have brought results
always, even if they
were not the ones desired
by the terrorists.
Its opponents have
always paid an extremely
heavy price to stamp
it out. Each time one
group of terrorists
was crushed another
grew elsewhere, leading
to a new vicious cycle
of more intense violence.
The First World War
was triggered by a
knife-wielding terrorist
and caused the collapse
of both the centuries-old
Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian
Empires. That war introduced
the technologies that
modern terrorists still
use, including poison
gas, chemical and biological
weapons, booby traps
and land mines.
The Second World War
crushed Nazi fascism,
which came to power
through terrorism,
at a cost of almost
50 million dead. That
war accelerated decolonization
but also helped to
turn international
terrorism into a legitimate
instrument of superpower
rivalry.
The cold war raised
terrorism to a fine
art, supported by logistics,
organization and high
technology. Both camps
used terrorists as
proxy warriors around
the globe, while they
lurched from crisis
to crisis in an extraordinary
game of brinkmanship.
By the cold war's end,
the world had suffered
135 wars, most of them
preceded by terrorism.
Millions died and 30
million became homeless.
At the same time, superpower
military arsenals rose
to unprecedented heights,
making them capable
of destroying every
living creature on
Earth, from humans
through to animals,
insects and plants.
During this time,
international terrorism
continued to threaten
a second holocaust
for the Jews of Israel
and took heavy tolls
in almost every country
of Asia, Africa and
Latin America. The
usual method was for
terrorists to take
refuge in one country
and launch their attacks
in another. When money,
appeals to patriotism
and allegiance to warlords
failed to motivate
the terrorists, their
leaders used religion
and promises of an
after life in paradise
as incentives.
Over time, two things
have become clear:
that technology allows
terrorists to become
more efficient, and
that killing them does
not stop others from
stepping into their
shoes with new causes.
The
newest link in that
chain is President
Bush's current war
against "terrorists
with global reach." So
far, only one major
country had been spared
attacks by international
terrorists on its home
territory during the
last 50 years. That
gap was spectacularly
remedied on September
11. America' s reaction
was commensurate with
its power and prestige.
It vowed to eradicate
global terrorism by
fighting both its warriors
and the causes that
turn them into terrorists.
Meanwhile, local UN
officials hold daily
press conferences and
make appeals, even
as American TV networks
and newspapers lose
interest in a five
month-old story. As
all of us know, if
network reporters no
longer make it to America's
parochial evening news,
US lawmakers turn to
other brawls no matter
the situation in distant
lands.
Even as I write this
essay, Tom Daschle,
the Democratic Party
leader, has fired the
first salvo against
President Bush's economic
performance. In the
end, it may be no bad
thing, for if America
sticks to what it does
best, making money,
its wealth judiciously
disbursed will melt
stony hearts and win
grateful friends around
the world more successfully
than its bombs. Perhaps
Sept. 11 will help
Americans to realize
that spending just
0.15 percent of their
gross national product
on international aid,
compared with tiny
Sweden's 1 percent,
is a mistake that should
be remedied quickly.
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