UNITED
NATIONS - No matter what you may have read in the
newspapers, a study of the Iraqi people's attitude
toward the prospect of war explodes a number of assumptions,
in part because their country has been involved in
conflict for two decades already and the idea, therefore,
is nothing new.
This is what emerges
from dozens of interviews
that pollsters from
the International Crisis
Group conducted in
Baghdad, Mosul and
Najaf. ICG says that
virtually all of those
questioned spoke candidly
about their attitudes
toward Saddam Hussein's
regime, the Iraqi opposition
and possibilities for
a US-led war they believe
to be likely.
This
fact alone, the report
suggests, may
mean that Saddam's
capacity for instilling
fear in his people
is diminished and that "some
kind of political change
now is unavoidable." The
document deserves study
by Kofi Annan and members
of the UN Security
Council, given the
status of ICG, whose
chairman is Martti
Ahtisaari, the former
president of Finland
(and before that a
high UN official),
and whose president
is Gareth Evans, a
former foreign minister
of Australia (who once
harbored aspirations
to become UN Secretary
General, and, for all
we know, may have them
still).
These
are what the Brussels-based
group
calls the "most
notable conclusions" from
the study, which was
done in September and
October while the Security
Council was still arguing
over conditions that
might make war on Iraq
legal and easier to
start.
- For many Iraqis a US-led
strike now appears
inevitable.
- There is some concern
about the potential
for violence, anarchy
and score-settling
that might accompany
forceful regime change,
but the overwhelming
sentiment is one of
frustration and impatience
with the status quo
and a desire for normalcy.
A significant number
of those interviewed
expressed their view
that, if such a change
required an American-led
attack, they would
support it.
- Thoughts about a post-Saddam
Iraq remain extremely
vague and inarticulate.
The opposition in exile
is viewed with considerable
suspicion and, in some
instances, fear. Instead,
many Iraqis appear
to place their hopes
in a long-term US involvement.
Gareth
Evans comments, "Necessarily
limited as our survey
was, it was striking
and unexpected to
find how much willingness
there is to embrace
a US-led war as a
scenario for change.
But that does not
in itself mean that
war is either advisable
or inevitable. Not
only does the 'further
material breach'
[of Security Council
orders] criterion
have to be established,
but the Security
Council has to weigh
the benefits of military
intervention against
its costs in terms
of loss of life,
material and economic
damage, regional
spillover effects,
and possibly distracting
from and complicating
the war on terrorism." Evans added that Iraqi
support that exists
may not be unconditional
and that if a war were
bloody and protracted
or not followed by
a major international
reconstruction effort,
this support might
not be very long sustained.
Also,
the question for
many Iraqis is "not
whether a war will
take place, but whether
a state of war will
be ended." This
is a reference to the
fact that Iraqis have
lived through war --
the conflict with Iran,
Desert Storm, UN sanctions
and US and British
air attacks -- virtually
continuously since
1980.
Robert
Malley, ICG's Middle
East program
director, says, "What
emerges starkly in
this briefing paper
is a picture of a population
worn down by what it
has been forced to
endure and eager for
change. For them, the
status quo -- harsh
economic sanctions
and domestic repression
-- is not sustainable.
This is a message that
ought to be heeded,
regardless of whether
the UN inspections
succeed and regardless
of whether a US-led
war is the final outcome."
What
the interviewers
also found in Iraq
was "a largely
depoliticized and apathetic
population" and
that the notion of
leaving the country's
destiny in the hands
of an "omnipotent
foreign party" had
more appeal than might
be expected, while
a desire for long-term
US involvement was
higher than anticipated.
If true, President
Bush's wariness about
nation-building by
the US may not be resonating
in the Iraqi street,
despite Saddam's propaganda
efforts to portray
a nation united against
a potential foreign
invader.
However, ICG emphasizes,
that Iraqi interviewees'
attitudes were based
on the premise that
military action would
be quick and clean
and be followed by
a global reconstruction
operation. No mention
of the cleanup cost,
which surely would
be in the billions.
|