Khomein, Iran - He was away from the political scene for two decades, but one aim made Mir-Hossein Moussavi return: removing Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from power. "Today's situation is not what we have had in mind and I have come to restore Iran's dignity and character as well as establish better relationship with the world states," Moussavi explained.
Many observers, however, are not quite sure how to categorize the president's main challenger in the June 12 presidential election, as they see no real difference between Moussavi and Ahmadinejad's policies.
While described as a reformist by the local opposition and linked to former president Mohammad Khatami, the architect of Iran's reform movement, Moussavi himself has so far shown himself loyal to the fundamental values of the 1979 Islamic revolution.
His trip to Khomein, central Iran, and his speech in front of the house where the country's late leader Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini grew up, were viewed as clear signs of his loyalty to the Islamic revolution.
His supporters say that his loyalty to the Islamic Republic system would cover both the Islamic as well as the republican aspects, and would therefore be in line with Khatami's vision of an Islamic democracy.
"The Imam (Khomeini) was after the pure Islam which sought the country's progress and taught us to respect freedom and people's dignity," Moussavi said in Khomein to his supporters.
Khatami withdrew last month from the presidential race in order to clear the way for Moussavi. Khatami publicly declared his support and appealed to his followers to vote on June 12 for the man who served as prime minister from 1981-89.
The majority of the students of the Free University of Arak, an industrial city in central Iran, followed Khatami's lead and embraced Moussavi enthusiastically. But there were also some critical voices among the students.
"Tell us, Mr Moussavi: what exactly is a fundamental reformist?" asked a female member of the student association of the Arak university, referring to Moussavi's ambiguous political platform.
Moussavi replied that he was not committed to any political wing and would welcome support from any ideological side. "My aim is a good performance by the next government," he said.
Moussavi's plans, including his call for a civil society, securing free speech at universities and stopping arrests of politically motivated students, were regarded with scepticism by some of the Arak university students, including 24-year-old literature student Kamran.
"Changing the rhetoric does not necessarily change the policies as long as the political roots are the same. I see no real difference between him and Ahmadinejad and therefore expect no real change even if Moussavi is elected," Kamran said.
The 67-year-old Moussavi indeed follows almost the same line as Ahmadinejad on major political issues, such as Iran's controversial nuclear programme, approach towards Israel and the Middle East crisis and resumption of ties with the US during Barack Obama's presidency.
He is against international demands to suspend uranium-enrichment work, does not acknowledge the sovereignty of the Israeli state, supports anti-Israeli Palestinian groups and, just like the president, demands practical changes from Obama before resuming talks with arch-enemy Washington.
The main difference with Ahmadinejad might be Moussavi's softer tone.
"We should not make enemies in the world by adopting extremist policies, but follow a detente policy while at the same time maintain our (Islamic) principles," he said.
Moussavi has refrained so far from explaining how a detente policy could be adopted while the West doubted the peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear projects and would never stop supporting Israel nor accept Iran's referendum solution for the Israeli-Palestinian crisis.
But the former premier has several times blamed Ahmadinejad for his anti-Israeli tirades and questioning of the Holocaust in World War II which he said pushed Iran towards more isolation with his provocative remarks.
However, the main focus in his election campaign is not foreign policy, but the economy which is definitely Ahmadinejad's Achilles' heel.
"Where is the oil money which was supposed (by Ahmadinejad) to be brought to the people's dining table," Moussavi said, referring to Ahmadinejad's main promise during his election campaign four years ago.
Many Iranians don't care about the nuclear programme, nor about the Middle East and Obama, but are concerned mainly with how to tackle the astronomic inflation for which Ahmadinejad and his economic policies are held responsible.
"There should be no promises which cannot be realized," said Moussavi, who is close to the labour unions and regarded as a good crisis manager, which he proved during the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war when he was prime minister.
